Democrats and Autocrats: Pathways of Subnational Undemocratic Regime Continuity within Democratic Countries (Transformations in Governance)
Agustina Giraudy
Language: English
Pages: 272
ISBN: 0198706863
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
Despite the fact that Latin American countries have transitioned to democracy, many citizens residing in peripheral regions continue to live under undemocratic rule. Democrats and Autocrats studies the existence of subnational undemocratic regimes (SURs) alongside national democratic regimes. Specifically it answers the following questions: Why do SURs continue to exist despite national democratization? Why do some subnational autocrats and SURs prevail despite presidents' strategies to weaken SURs? Why do democratic presidents support some autocrats and SURs, even when they are from the opposition? Under what conditions do democratically elected presidents endorse or combat (opposition and/or copartisan) autocrats and SURs?
Contrary to conventional wisdom, the book argues that there are multiple pathways for SURs reproduction within democratic countries. These pathways, in turn, are determined by a specific combination of intergovernmental interactions, all of which are shaped by institutional and economic national and subnational variables.
The explanation of SUR continuity advanced in this book is tested in contemporary Argentina and Mexico using a multi-method approach. Both quantitative and qualitative methods, as well as cross-national and within-country comparisons are employed to test pathways of SUR continuity in two of Latin America's largest countries.
Transformations in Governance is a major new academic book series from Oxford University Press. It is designed to accommodate the impressive growth of research in comparative politics, international relations, public policy, federalism, environmental and urban studies concerned with the dispersion of authority from central states up to supranational institutions, down to subnational governments, and side-ways to public-private networks. It brings together work that significantly advances our understanding of the organization, causes, and consequences of multilevel and complex governance. The series is selective, containing annually a small number of books of exceptionally high quality by leading and emerging scholars.
The series targets mainly single-authored or co-authored work, but it is pluralistic in terms of disciplinary specialization, research design, method, and geographical scope. Case studies as well as comparative studies, historical as well as contemporary studies, and studies with a national, regional, or international focus are all central to its aims. Authors use qualitative, quantitative, formal modeling, or mixed methods. A trade mark of the books is that they combine scholarly rigour with readable prose and an attractive production style.
The series is edited by Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and the VU Amsterdam, and Walter Mattli of the University of Oxford.
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Non-patrimonial state structures prevail. (d) Prospects for Fiscal and Partisan Presidential Power Since presidential power is distributive, presidents can only obtain the acquiescence of autocrats if subnational incumbents are unable to neutralize presidential power. Accordingly, a combination of national and subnational variables needs to be present in order for presidents to wield effective power over SURs/autocrats. The clusters of variables located in the left-hand column of Figure 2.2.
Were earmarked for specific purposes at both the state and municipal level, such as the conditional cash transfer program known as the National Solidarity Program (or PRONASOL), the fund for Federal Infrastructural Development (or IPF), and funds destined to the payroll of teachers and the provision of health care—were incorporated into the LCF. The PAN administrations of Vicente Fox (2000–6) and Felipe Calderón (2006–12) incorporated additional funds into the aportaciones subfund. In 2003, for.
The country’s flagship airline, and the pension system (Micozzi et al. 2009). Presidential Action vis-à-vis La Rioja’s SUR In exchange for these political services, both President Kirchner and, later on, Fernández de Kirchner not only refrained from opposing and weakening La Rioja’s SUR, but rewarded the province and its autocrats with nonautomatic funds that were essential to run the provincial economy. As Figure 6.5 shows, after Néstor Kirchner took office in 2003, La Rioja saw a decrease in.
Fundamental to the successful obstruction of the exercise of presidential partisan power over Oaxaca’s autocrats, and to thwarting Presidents Fox’s and Calderón’s capacity to discipline Murat and Ruiz. Capacity of Presidents to Wield Power over Autocrats and Oaxaca’s SUR The context of high patrimonialism under the Murat and Ruiz administrations, which decreased the political and economic autonomy of opposition parties, opposition mayors, and dissidents, prevented the PAN from expanding its.
Why they are reproduced differently. One of the main messages conveyed in this book is that alternative trajectories of SUR continuity within democratic countries result first and foremost from the capacity (or lack thereof) of national incumbents to wield power over SURs and autocrats. If presidents have the resources to induce cooperation from subnational autocrats and can thus secure credible and routine political support, the former have strong incentives to invest in the continuity and.